As Peter the Great had understood, modernization meant Westernization, and Gorbachev reopened the window to the West. With the fostering of private business, about five million people were employed by over 150,000 cooperatives. After 1 April 1989, all enterprises were allowed to carry on trade relations with foreign partners. This triggered the development of joint ventures. Multimillion dollar deals were established with Western companies such as Chevron, PepsiCo, Eastman-Kodak, McDonnell's, Time-Warner, and Occidental Petroleum.
At the 1986 Iceland Summit, Gorbachev proposed to sharply reduce the Soviet stockpile of ballistic missiles. In December 1987, Gorbachev and US President Ronald Regain signed a treaty at the Washington Summit to eliminate intermediate nuclear missiles. "I do think the winter of mistrust is over," declared Premier Nikolai Ryzhkov. In January 1988, plans to withdraw all forces from Afghanistan were announced. Nine months later Andrei Gromyko retired and Gorbachev was elected president of the Supreme Soviet.

During a visit to Finland in October 1989, Gorbachev declared that "the Soviet Union has no moral or political right to interfere in the affairs of its East European neighbors. They have the right to decide their own fate." Soviet spokesman
Gennadi Gerasimov added that Moscow had adopted the "Sinatra Doctrine, 'I Did It My Way.'" And that they did! By the end of 1989, every country throughout Eastern Europe saw its people protesting openly for mass reforms; not in this century had there been such sweeping political change. The Iron Curtain Grumbled, symbolized most poignantly by the demolishing of the wall between East and West Berlin.
In December 1989, Gorbachev met with US President George Bush at the Malta Summit, where the two agreed that "the arms race, mistrust, psychological and ideological struggle should all be things of the past." An additional summit was held in the United States in the spring of 1990.

Elections
On 26 March 1989, in the Soviet Union, the first general elections for the new Congress of People's Deputies were held. This was the first time since 1917 that the people actually had a chance to vote in a national election. Fifteen hundred delegates were elected, and they were joined by 750 others who were elected by other public organizations. This 2,250-delegate body elected 542 members to form a new Supreme Soviet.

Ousted a year earlier from his Politburo post for criticizing the reforms, congress candidate Boris Yeltsin won 89% of the Moscow district vote to make a historic comeback. Moscow crowds chanted, "Yeltsin is a man of the people" and "Down with bureaucrats," and a surprising number of bureaucrats had, in fact, lost their positions. Andrei Sakharov was also elected. For the first time in Soviet history. Communist Party candidates could lose their elections. In the beginning of 1990 the people once again headed for the polls to elect regional and district officials. For the first time in seven decades, the voters had the opportunity to choose from other independent and pro-democracy movements. Scores of Communist Party candidates suffered defeat to former political prisoners, adamant reformers, environmentalists, and strike leaders. Yeltsin, this time, was voted president of the Russian Federation, the Soviet Union's largest republic, with more than half the country's pop-ulation and the nation's largest city, Moscow, as its capital. In June 1990, Yeltsin resigned from the Communist Party, stating, "I am announcing my resignation in view of my . . . great responsibility toward the people of Russia and in connection with moves toward a multiparty state. I cannot fulfill only the instructions of the Party."

The Government Under Gorbachev: A New Order
Mikhail Gorbachev unleashed the forces of change and it was expected to be years before the people could witness the full effects of his reforms. "Empty store shelves and housing problems," stated a Soviet economist, "have made the process difficult, but something absolutely vital has taken place in Russian terms: a change in our way of thinking."
In 1990, Time magazine named Mikhail Gorbachev the "Man of the Decade," calling him "the Copernicus, Darwin, and Freud of Communism all wrapped in one" and the man responsible for ending the Cold War. On 7 Feb. 1990, after 72 years of Communist rule, the Soviet Communist Party's Central Committee voted overwhelmingly to surrender its monopoly of power. On 15 March 1990, the Soviet Congress of People's Deputies amended Article Six, which had guaranteed the Communist Party its monopoly as the "leading authority" in government. In its revised form, Article Six stated that the Communist Party, together with "other political parties" and social organizations, has the right to shape state policy. During the 28th Party Congress, the Party voted to reorganize its ruling body, the Politburo, to include Communist Party leaders from each of the 15 republics, in addition to the top 12 Moscow officials. Instead of their being selected by the Central Committee, the Party in each republic chose its own leaders, guaranteeing a voice to even the smallest republic. Vladimir Ivashko from the Ukraine was elected the first deputy general secretary, a new position created to assist the general secretary.

Other amendments revised the Marxist view on private property. Individuals were allowed to own land and factories, as long as they did not "exploit" other Soviet citizens. New economic policies replaced direct central planning, instilled new price reforms, and even created a stock exchange; farmers could sell their produce on the open market. Censorship of the mass media was forbidden, and all political movements had access to the airwaves, with the rights to establish their own television and radio stations. The Communist Party no longer had a monopoly on state-run radio and television. These historic votes paved the way for a multiparty democracy and a free-market economy.

Executive President
In one of the most important changes in this country's political and economic system since 1917, Mikhail Gorbachev in February of 1990 was elected by the Congress as the Soviet Union's first executive President. This post, over the old honorary chairman of the Supreme Soviet, had broader constitutional powers; the President now had the right to propose legislation, veto bills passed by Congress, appoint and fire the prime minister and other senior government officials, and declare states of emergency (with the republics' approval). In a speech to the Congress after he was sworn in, Gorbachev stated that "the need for a more radical perestroika is obvious, and I shall use my presidential powers first of all to achieve this."

Gorbachev himself summarized the results of all his policies. "Having embarked upon the road of radical reform, we have crossed the line beyond which there is no return to thepast. . . .Things will never be the same again in the Soviet Union''-or, for that matter, in the whole communist world. Gorbachev's second revolution became one of the most momentous events in the second half of the 20th century.

The Failed Coup of August 1991
Gorbachev's vision of a second revolution never included an actual coup. But events during the year prior to August 1991 led to rumors among even British and American intelligence that some type of coup attempt was highly possible within Gorbachev's government. After Gorbachev was elected president in February 1990, many feared that one man now had too much power, and that another dictatorship was coming to life.

In his last year in office, Gorbachev's actions seemed to contradict all that he had worked for.
During the October 1990 parliamentary session, Gorbachev rejected the "500 Days" plan to convert the centralized economy to a market orientation in less than two years. He had once strongly advocated uskoreniye, acceleration. This later rejection convinced many friends and advisers that Gorbachev had lost his way. No one knew what to expect from him anymore.

On 11.03.90 Supreme Council of Lithuanian SSR announced independence and restored Republic of Lithuania anexed by Soviet Union in 1940. Gorbachev appointed Boris Pugo as his interior minister in December 1990. Pugo, a Latvian and head of the KGB in Riga and immediately asked "to take the necessary measures against the Baltic to assure that constitutional norms were upheld and the rights of minorities respected." Economic blocade of Lithuania was announced by USSR. On 13.01.91 Soviet troops attacked the main TV center, which left 15 dead and hundreds wounded. On January 20, more Soviet troops clashed with Latvians in Riga, leaving five dead. Not only did the world take notice, but hundreds of thousands of Soviets protested the actions of their own government.

One month earlier, in December 1990, in an unexpected blow to Gorbachev, Foreign Minster Eduard Shevardnadze resigned in front of nearly 2,000 members of the Congress of People's Deputies. Over the previous months, he had voiced increasing apprehension over the way his country was headed. "We are going back to the terrible past," he warned, "Reactionaries are gaining power. Reformers have slumped into the bushes. A dictatorship is coming. No one knows what this dictatorship will be like, what kind of dictator will come to power and what order will be established."

During the Gulf War, many in the Soviet Defense Ministry felt that the presence of US forces constituted a new threat to Soviet security. Vladimir Kryuchkov, chairman of the KGB, charged that the CIA was covertly trying to destabilize Soviet society. The Gulf War made those in the Soviet military much more receptive to the reactionary elements gathering force.
On 17 March 1991, people throughout the Soviet Union voted on a KGB-sponsored referendum on the future of their country. A negative vote would have immediately implied that the people supported Yeltsin more than Gorbachev. Yeltsin was calling for a different approach to attacking the country's problems, and he wanted to speed up reforms. Even though the vote came close to a draw, it strengthened Yeltsin's position and popularity. On March 28, Yeltsin announced he would hold a "rally of support" in Moscow. Interior Minister Pugo called it a "challenge to the authority of Gorbachev" with a "bunch of neo-Bolsheviks wanting to storm the Kremlin."

Gorbachev immediately banned the demonstration and renewed censorship of the print and television media, but the people attended the protest anyway. Gorbachev sent in troops to control the rally, which took place without incident. One of Gorbachev's aides stated, "March 28 was the turning point for Mikhail Sergeyevich. He went to the abyss, looked over the edge, was horrified of what he saw, and backed away." With discontent mounting, Gorbachev had to move closer to an alliance with Yeltsin to keep the support of the people.

Government were becoming uneasy. On June 20, Prime Minister Valentine Pavlov suggested that some of Gorbachev's powers be transferred to him. But the main issue was the upcoming union treaty with the republics. This treaty, if signed, would have taken away much of Moscow's power. Realizing they could lose their jobs, many in the government began thinking of ways to undermine Gorbachev's power. Some of his close advisers, sensing strife in the air, warned Gorbachev of a possible plot. Gorbachev dismissed the idea, saying, "They wouldn't have the courage to mount an attack against me."

Even though he had led a wave of unprecedented changes throughout the world, by 1991 Gorbachev's popularity at home was sliding to zero. After five years of promises, reforms failed to bring even a modicum of improved living standards to Soviet citizens. Gross national product fell by 10% in the first half of 1991 , while prices rose by more than 50%. With a grossly dissatisfied population, disjointed government, and repeated warnings of a plot against him, Gorbachev nevertheless left Moscow for the Crimea to take a brief vacation and to complete the new union treaty. Many said by now Gorbachev had become so out of touch with his own party populace that he never comprehended the power of either force.
August 18 At 4:50 p.m. on Sunday afternoon, Gorbachev heard a knock on his door; he was putting the finishing touches on his union treaty. Like count less millions under Stalin who heard a similar knock to whisk them off to the gulags, Gorbachev had no power over his future. His aides were at the door to tell him that Yuri Plekhanov, a top KGB official, had arrived at his Crimean dacha. Gorbachev immediately tried to call from his five phones, but all the lines were dead.

Gorbachev was further taken by suprise when his own chief of staff, Valery Boldin, entered the room. Boldin told Gorbachev that he had been sent by the State Committee of Emergency. Gorbachev said he never authorized such a committee. Boldin stated their demands-Gorbachev must sign a referendum declaring a state of emergency in his country, which would authorize other reform measures. If he did not, the head of the Emergency Committee. Vice President Gennady Yanayev, would take control. Gorbachev told Boldin, "Those who sent you are reckless; you will kill yourselves." Gorbachev refused to go along with any of the demands, vowing silently to commit suicide first.
As a further cause for alarm, Baldin and his assistants left with the "Black Box," Gorbachev's briefcase that contained the codes to launch all nuclear weapons throughout the country.
Since Gorbachev refused to go along with the coup, the conspirators, known as the Gang of Eight, ordered thousands of troops to head for Moscow, Leningrad, and the Baltics. Most of those in the Gang of Eight owed their jobs to Gorbachev. Ironically, after all the planning, the KGB failed to arrest Boris Yeltsin; he had rushed off to the Parliament Building 45 minutes earlier than us usual.

August 19 At 6:30 a.m. the coup leaders went public. The news agency TASS announced that Yanayev had assumed command because Gorbachev had "serious health problems" and could no longer govern. The Gang of Eight also announced that all strikes and demonstrations were banned and all media under official control. When they later appeared on television, the Emergency Committee appeared nervous and uncertain as to what to say. Yanayev stated, "we must take control since we are threatened by disintegration . . . " But his preferred solution was terrifying -dictatorship.

It became obvious from the onset that the coup was curiously halfhearted and ill-planned. None of the opposition leaders were ever arrested. Gorbachev's lines were the only communications systems downed. Yeltsin was receiving calls from around the world, and even ordered food from Moscow's Pizza Hut.

Yeltsin phoned Yanayev and warned him that "we don't accept your gang of bandits." At this point, Yeltsin went outside and climbed atop a tank in front of 20,000 protesters, asking for mass resistance. He denounced the coup as unconstitutional and called for a general strike, declaring himself the "Guardian of Democracy." Soon the crowds grew to well over I 00,000. Afghan war vets erected barricades in front of the White House and made Molotov cocktails. At the staircase one organizer with a megaphone cried, "all those courageous who are willing to defend the building, come forward!" The building was surrounded by people from all walks of Russian life, from students and defecting soldiers to priests and pensioners.

One old babushka declared, "I have lived through a revolution, two world wars, the Seige of Leningrad, and Stalin, and I will not tolerate another takeover; let the people be in peace I" Another, 72-year-old woman cried, "Give me a Kalashnikov (semiautomatic machine gun) and I'll kill the scum myself!" Thousands of the city's babushkas headed for the front lines. By the end of the day, troops were going over to Yeltsin's side, and many of the elite commando divisions were now protecting the White House. August 20 The Emergency Committee imposed a curfew on Moscow, which none adhered to. The health problems that supposedly afflicted Gorbachev ironically were caught by the coup leaders. Many came down with "coup flu" and stayed home. Crowds of people started to raise the old Russian flag, with its white, blue, and red colors. Rostropovich, the famed cellist, even flew in from Paris and played music within the Parliament building.

Later in the day, those in the Parliament heard that tank divisions were headed their way. Protesters swarmed everywhere to protect the area; two people were shot and one was crushed by a tank. But the tanks retreated.

August 21
Three days after the attempted coup, Yeltsin announced that the coup leaders were trying to flee the country. Two were said to have headed for the Crimea to talk to Gorbachev, who later refused to meet with them. Instead he called Yeltsin. Yeltsin sent officials from the Russian Republic to bring Gorbachev safely back to Moscow. The shaken president returned by plane with his family early the next morning.

All eight members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested: Gennady Yanayev, vice president; Vladimir Kryuchkov, head of the KGB; Dimitri Yazov, defense minister; Valentin Pavlov, prime minister; Oleg Baklanov, of the Soviet Defense Council; Vasily Starodubtsev, member of the Soviet Parliament; and Alexander Tizyakov, president of state enterprises, industrial construction, transport, and communications. Boris Pugo shot himself in the head before he could be arrested.

At the same time, crowds were cheering not for Gorbachev's return, but for the country's savior, Boris Yeltsin. Communism had fallen with the coup. Thousands celebrated as the statue of "Iron Felix" Dzherzhinsky, founder of the secret police after the 1917 Revolution, was toppled from its pedestal in front of the KGB building. A Russian flag was put in its place. Now the monument could stand for the millions who died in prison camps by the hand of the KGB.

End Of Party Rule
By the end of August 1991 , Boris Yeltsin stood at the podium inside the White House and declared, "I am now signing a decree suspending the activities of the Russian Communist Party!" Even Communist-run newspapers such as Pravda were temporarily suspended. Gorbachev followed his actions by issuing decrees to end Communist Party rule. These decrees dissolved the party's structure of committees and policymaking bodies, which included the Central Committee. Archives of the Party and the KGB were seized. In addition, the government confiscated all the Party's assists and property throughout the country.

The Collapse Of The Soviet Union
On 21 Dec. 1991, the Soviet Union ceased to exist. The great ideological experiment begun by Lenin's Bolshevik Revolution, constituted on 30 Dec. 1922, disintegrated nine days short of its 70th year. "One state has died," said Russian television, "but in its place a great dream is being born." The birth was the 11-member Commonwealth of Independent States.
Gorbachev's Resignation On 25 Dec. 1991, Gorbachev, the eighth and final leader of the Soviet Union, submitted his resignation. "Given the current situation, I am ceasing my activities as president of the USSR." He no longer had a country to govern. But many had considered the Gorbachev era well over even before the coup against him collapsed. A few days before the official resignation, Boris Yeltsin claimed his office in the Kremlin. Yeltsin went to Gorbachev's office, and when he returned two hours later, he said, "It's over. This is the last time I will go and see him." An aide asked, "You mean Gorbachev will have to come to you?" Yeltsin responded, "maybe for his pension." With Gorbachev's resignation, the last rulers of the dying Soviet Union were gone for good.